A Practicing Attorney's Look At The Second Amendment
By
Howard J. Fezell, Esq.
Advocates of
more stringent restrictions on the private ownership of firearms (if not
an outright prohibition) contend that the Second Amendment guarantees only
a collective right of States to maintain militias.1
One anti-gun academian, Prof. Andrew D. Herz, claims that "the
gun lobby has successfully spun a mythical broad individual right to bear
arms for all legal private purposes."2
According to Prof. Herz, the Courts "have clearly held" there
is no such right of individuals;3 that
whatever rights individuals may have to bear arms is inextricably tied
to their service in a "well-regulated militia."4
However, the Supreme Court of the United States has consistently
treated the right to keep and bear arms as one of individuals, without
regard to their affiliation with any organized militia.5
The plain text of the Constitution
An "individual
rights" interpretation of the right guaranteed by the Second Amendment6
is consistent with the plain text of the Constitution.7
The operative clause of the Second Amendment guarantees the right
of the people, not of States.8 The
Tenth Amendment expressly distinguishes between "the people"
and "the States" by providing that: The powers not delegated
to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States,
are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. The main
body of the Constitution likewise distinguishes between "the people",
"persons" and "States".9
If the Second Amendment guarantees only the right of States to maintain militias, why hasn't the Supreme Court disposed of Second Amendment claims on the grounds that the individuals asserting them lacked standing?
Whether or not a plaintiff has "standing" (the legal right to assert a claim) is a threshhold question for anyone who makes his or her living litigating cases. If the plaintiff somehow lacks standing to assert a claim, considerable time can be saved by disposing of the case without the necessity of discovery and a trial.10 The quickest way to become a hero to one's client is to have the opposition's case thrown out of court right at the beginning thereby saving the client a lot of time, aggravation, and money.
Any person asserting the violation of a constitutional right must show a direct and immediate personal injury.11 If, as Prof. Herz claims, the Second Amendment guarantees a right to bear arms "only for those individuals who are part of a `well regulated militia'",12 the Supreme Court could have quickly disposed of any Second Amendment claims addressed by it13 simply by holding that the claimant, not being affiliated with a militia, lacked standing. The Court, however, has never even suggested that an individual must be affiliated with a militia in order to assert a Second Amendment Claim.14 The failure of the Supreme Court to dispose of individual Second Amendment claims for lack of standing speaks volumes as to how the Court views the nature of that right. The individual nature of the right to keep and bear arms has never been questioned by that Court, although it made it clear in that the right to keep and bear arms (like many other rights of citizens) may be denied to convicted felons.15
Since 1857 the Supreme Court has treated the Second Amendment
as guaranteeing an individual right.
In Scott
v. Sanford16 (also known as the "Dred
Scott Case") the Supreme Court addressed the question of whether persons
of African descent could be citizens. It held that they could not
in an opinion written by Chief Justice Taney, a Southerner from Maryland
(where slavery was both legal and widely practiced). In 1857, Southerners
were not keen on the idea of freeing the slaves, much less bestowing upon
them the rights of citizens. The concerns of his fellow Southerners
were not lost upon Chief Justice Taney, who wrote in dicta that
if blacks were recognized as citizens in any State of the Union, they would
have the right to travel freely, engage in free speech, hold public meetings
on political issues, and "keep and carry arms wherever they went."17
If the Second Amendment guaranteed only the collective right of states
to maintain militias, there would have been no reason for Taney to fear
that black citizens could "keep and carry arms" since citizenship
does not automatically entail service in an organized state militia. What
concerned Chief Justice Taney was the rights blacks would enjoy as citizens.
The Court's opinion in Scott v. Sanford also listed the right
to keep and bear arms with other rights which the Court has held to be
of an individual nature, such as freedom of religion, free speech, freedom
of the press, peaceable assembly, trial by jury, and the right against
self-incrimination.18
In
United States v. Cruikshank19 the
Supreme Court held that the Second Amendment, like the rest of the Bill
of Rights, only operated as a restraint upon the federal government. In
discussing the right to "bear arms for a lawful purpose" the
Court stated that "the people" should look to localities (not
the National Government) for protection against "their fellow citizens"
of rights recognized by the Second Amendment.20
Cruikshank affirmed an order arresting judgments of conviction
for conspiracy to deprive freed blacks in Louisiana of their civil rights.
The fact that the black citizens who were victimized were not affiliated
with an organized state militia had no bearing on the case. The Court
in Cruikshank also used the phrase "the people" in the
same context as "their fellow citizens".21
It obviously viewed "the people" referred to in the Second
Amendment as meaning individuals. States, unlike individuals, do
not have "fellow citizens".
In Presser
v. Illinois22 the Supreme Court upheld
the conviction of a man charged with parading a body of armed men through
Chicago without a license. Illinois law prohibited bodies of men
to associate together as military organizations or to drill or parade in
cities and towns unless authorized by law. Presser challenged this
law as violating the Second Amendment. The Court held that these
provisions did not infringe the right of the people to keep and bear arms.
Citing Cruikshank, the Supreme Court in Presser
also held that the Second Amendment is a limitation only upon Congress
and the federal government. The Presser opinion did,
however, hold that all citizens capable of bearing arms constitute the
reserve military force or reserve militia of the United States and of the
States; and that even without the Second Amendment states may not prohibit
people from keeping and bearing arms "so as to deprive the United
States of their rightful resource for maintaining public security."23
The Court in Presser thus drew a clear distinction between
"the people" and "States". If the Second Amendment
guaranteed only a collective right, the Court could easily have disposed
of Presser's Second Amendment claim by holding that he lacked standing
to assert it. Instead, the Supreme Court addressed Presser's Second
Amendment claim on its merits.
In Miller
v. Texas24 the Supreme Court declined
to rule on the appellant's Second Amendment claim due to his failure to
raise it in a timely fashion, stating, "[i]f the Fourteenth Amendment
limited the power of the States as to such rights, as pertaining to citizens
of the United States, we think it was fatal to this claim that it was not
set up in the trial court."25 Miller
had been convicted of murder and on appeal argued that Texas law forbidding
the carrying of weapons violated the Second Amendment. Once again,
if the Second Amendment guaranteed only a collective right, such a claim
could have been easily disposed of due to Miller's lack of standing. However,
the Supreme Court declined to rule on Miller's Second Amendment claim not
because he, as an individual, lacked standing to assert it. The Court
instead held that he had failed to assert it in a timely fashion.
United States
v. Miller26 involved the indictment
of Jack Miller and a cohort for unlawfully transporting a short-barrelled
shotgun in violation of the National Firearms Act of 1934. The federal
district court sustained Miller's motion to dismiss his indictment, holding
that the section of the act under which he had been charged violated the
Second Amendment. The United States appealed. Jack Miller absconded.
Only the Solicitor General for the United States filed a brief or
appeared to argue the case. What the Supreme Court was concerned
with was whether the shotgun possessed by Miller had "some reasonable
relationship to the preservation or efficiency of a well-regulated militia,..."27
The Court refused to take judicial notice that a short-barrelled
shotgun "is any part of ordinary military equipment or that its use
could contribute to the common defense"28
and the case was remanded to the district court for further proceedings.
If the Second Amendment guaranteed only a collective right, the Court
could have simply held that Jack Miller, as an individual, lacked standing
to assert a right to keep and bear arms. However, the fact that Miller
was not affiliated with an organized state militia had no bearing on the
case. The Court's opinion in Miller never even suggested that
the possessor of a firearm must be a member of a militia, and the individual
nature of the right to keep and bear arms went unquestioned. Nonetheless,
a number of courts have selectively (and, I think, dishonestly) quoted
United States v. Miller to support a conclusion that the Second
Amendment guarantees only a collective right.29
United States
v. Verdugo-Urquidez30 involved the
search of a residence in Mexico by agents of the United States Drug Enforcement
Agency. The occupant of the residence was a Mexican citizen who later
sought to suppress evidence that had been obtained during the search. The
Supreme Court held that the Fourth Amendment did not apply to a search
by American police of the Mexican residence of a Mexican citizen and resident
who had no voluntary attachments to the United States. Although this
case involved a claim under the Fourth Amendment's prohibition against
unreasonable searches and seizures, the opinion by Chief Justice Rhenquist
makes it clear that the phrase "the people", as used in the Bill
of Rights, means individuals.31 Justice
Brennan, in his dissenting opinion in Verdugo-Urquidez drew a clear
distinction between "the people" and "the government"32
In Planned
Parenthood v. Casey33 the Supreme Court
considered the constitutionality of provisions in a Pennsylvania abortion
statute requiring the informed consent of the patient, a 24-hour waiting
period, parental consent, spousal notification, and reporting and recordkeeping.
The plaintiffs claimed that such provisions constituted a deprivation
liberty in violation of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Planned Parenthood held that the substantive liberties protected
by the Fourteenth Amendment against interference by the States was not
limited to those rights already guaranteed against federal interference
by the first eight amendments to the Constitution. In doing so, the
Court listed the right to keep and bear arms in the same context as other
rights which it has held to be of an individual nature (e.g., compensation
for taking of property; freedom of speech, press, and religion; freedom
from unreasonable searches and seizures).34
That the Court would even mention the right to keep and bear arms
in a discussion of the rights protected by the Due Process Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment demonstrates that it considers the Second Amendment
to guarantee an individual right. The touchstone of due process is
protection of the individual against arbitrary action of government.35
The First and Fourth Amendments guarantee individual, as opposed to collective,
rights.36 The Court's opinions in
Verdugo-Urquidez and Planned Parenthood demonstrate that
if "the people" whose rights are guaranteed by the First, Fourth,
Ninth, and Tenth Amendments are individuals, "the people" whose
rights are guaranteed by the Second Amendment must also be individuals.
Conclusion
Prof. Herz's
conclusion that the Courts "have clearly held" there is no such
right of individuals to keep and bear arms37
is entirely without legal basis as far as the Supreme Court is concerned.
If gun-prohibitionists seek legal authority that the Second Amendment
guarantees only a collective right of states to maintain militias, they
will have to look someplace else.
Footnotes
(Underlining in quotations below does not designate hypertext,
but only provides emphasis.)
Note 1 See, e.g., Herz, Gun Crazy: Constitutional False Consciousness And Dereliction Of Dialogic Responsibility, 75 B. U. L. Rev. 57 (1995).
Note 2 Id.
at 57-58. One would presume that the phrase "legal private purposes",
as used by Prof Herz, is intended to include self-defense against criminal
assaults. According to one federal Circuit Court of Appeals, that is a
fundamental right. United States v. Panter, 688 F.2d 268,
271 (5th Cir. 1982). The significance of access to firearms to give
meaning to the fundamental right recognized in Panter is highlighted by
the fact that the Supreme Court has held that local governments have no
obligation to protect any particular individual from the violent acts of
another; that the obligation of the authorities to provide protection extends
only to the public at large. See DeShaney v. Winnebago County
Department Of Social Services, 489 U.S. 189, 196-97 (1989), South
v. Maryland 59 U.S. 396 (1856).
Note 3 Id.
at 58.
Note 4 Id.
Prof. Herz's assertion as to the collective nature of the right guaranteed
by the Second Amendment is consistent with that of other gun-prohibitionists.
For example, one group associated with Handgun Control, Inc. (HCI)
claims that, "possession of a gun by an individual is constitutionally
protected only when his/her possession relates to service in a `well regulated
Militia,' i.e. the National Guard." Center To Prevent Handgun
Violence Legal Action Project, Exploding the NRA's Second Amendment
Mythology (1994), p. 12.
Note 5 See notes 16 - 34, infra, and accompanying text.
Note 6 The
text of the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution reads as
follows:
A well regulated
Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of
the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.
Note 7 As
noted by Prof. Akil Reed Amar of Yale Law School in The Bill of Rights
as a Constitution, 100 YALE L. J. 1131, 1166 (1991):
The states' rights reading [of the Second Amendment] puts great weight
on the word "militia," but this word appears only in the Amendment's
subordinate clause. The ultimate right to keep and bear arms belongs
to "the people," not the "states." As the language
of the Tenth Amendment shows, these two are of course not identical and
when the Constitution means "states," it says so. Thus,
as noted above, "the people" at the core of the Second Amendment
are the same "people" at the heart of the Preamble and the First
Amendment, namely Citizens.
In The
Second Amendment and The Personal Right to Arms, Vol. 43 DUKE LAW JOURNAL
1236, 1243-44 (1994) Prof. William Van Alstyne of Duke University Law School
writes:
[The Second Amendment] looks to an ultimate reliance on the common citizen
who has a right to keep and bear arms rather than only to some standing
army, or only to some other politically separated, defined, and detached
armed cadre, as an essential source of security of a free state. In relating
these propositions within one amendment, moreover, it does not disparage,
much less does it subordinate "the right of the people to keep and
bear arms." To the contrary, it expressly embraces that
right and indeed it erects the very scaffolding of a free state upon that
guarantee. It derives its definition of a well-regulated Militia
in just this way for a "free State:" The Militia to
be well regulated is a Militia to be drawn from just such people (i.e.
people with a right to keep and bear arms) rather than from some other
source (i.e. from people without rights to keep and bear arms). (emp.
in original)
In TO KEEP
AND BEAR ARMS: THE ORIGINS OF AN ANGLO-AMERICAN RIGHT 162-63 (Harvard University
Press, 1994) Historian Joyce Lee Malcolm writes:
The Second
Amendment was meant to accomplish two distinct goals, each perceived as
crucial to the maintenance of liberty. First, it was meant to guarantee
the individual's right to have arms for self-defence and self-preservation.
Such an individual right was a legacy of the English Bill of Rights.
This is also plain from American colonial practice, the debates over
the Constitution, and state proposals for what was to become the Second
Amendment. In keeping with colonial precedent, the American article
broadened the English protection. English restrictions had limited
the right to have arms to Protestants and made the type and quantity of
such weapons dependent upon what was deemed "suitable" to a person's
"condition." The English also included a proviso that the
right to have arms was to be "as allowed by law."
Americans swept
aside these limitations and forbade any infringement upon the right of
people to keep and bear arms. These privately owned arms were meant
to serve a larger purpose as well, albeit the American framers of the Second
Amendment, like their English predecessors, rejected language linking their
right to "the common defence." When, as Blackstone phrased
it, "the sanctions of society and laws are found insufficient to restrain
the violence of oppression," these private weapons would afford the
people the means to vindicate their liberties. The Second and related
objective concerned the militia, and it is the coupling of these two objectives
that has caused the most confusion. The customary American militia
necessitated an armed public, and Madison's original version of the amendment,
as well as those suggested by the states, described the militia as either
"composed of" or "including" the body of the people.
A select militia was regarded as little better than a standing army.
The argument that today's National Guardsmen, members of a select
militia, would constitute the only persons entitled to keep and bear arms
has no historical foundation.
The collective interpretation of Second Amendment espoused by Prof.
Herz implies that individual States somehow require a constitutional guarantee
to maintain a militia. Had the framers of the Bill of Rights recognized
such a need, and desired to guarantee the right of the States to maintain
militias (but not of individuals to keep and bear arms), they could have
adopted language submitted by Roger Sherman of Connecticut. His proposed
amendment placed the militia under the control of the states but contained
no right to keep and bear arms:
The militia
shall be under the government of the laws of the respective States, when
not in the actual Service of the united [sic] States, but such rules as
may be prescribed by Congress for their uniform organization & discipline
shall be observed in officering and training them, but military Service
shall not be required of persons religiously scrupulous of bearing arms.
Dowlut, Federal And State Constitutional Guarantees To Arms, 15 U. DAYTON L. REV. 59, 65 (1989). See also Halbrook, The Right Of The People Or The Power Of The State: Bearing Arms, Arming Militias, And The Second Amendment, 26 VAL. UNIV. L. REV. 131 (1991). Language qualifying the right to keep and bear arms by inserting the phrase "for the common defense" next to the words "bear arms" was likewise rejected, underscoring a refusal to limit the right to military purposes. Dowlut, supra, at 66.
Note 8 Amar, note 6, supra.
Note 9 U.S.
Const., art. I., Sec. 2 provides, in pertinent part, as follows:
The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every
second Year by the People of the several States, . . . (emp. added)
No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained
the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State
in which he shall be chosen. (emp. added) U.S. Const., art.
I, Sec. 3 originally provided that: Representatives and direct Taxes
shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included
within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be
determined by adding to the whole number of free Persons, including
those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
three fifths of all other Persons. (emp. added)
Note 10 A lawyer defending a civil action who desires to challenge the plaintiff's capacity to bring the action would raise that issue in the form of a negative defense. See Fed. R. Civ. P. 9(a). A party's lack of standing to assert a claim might also be put before the court by way of a motion to dismiss pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(b)(6), a motion for judgment on the pleadings pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(c), or a motion for summary judgment pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 56.
Note 11 Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 204 (1962).
Note 12 Herz, supra, at 58.
Note 13 See notes, 19 - 29, infra, and accompanying text.
Note 14 Even Congress interprets the Second Amendment as guaranteeing an individual right. In enacting the Firearms Owners Protection Act of 1986, Congress included an express prefatory statement of "Congressional Finding and Declaration" providing, in pertinent part: The Congress finds that the rights of citizens -- (A) to keep and bear arms under the second amendment to the United States Constitution [USCS Constitution, Amendment 2] . . . require additional legislation to correct existing firearms statutes and enforcement policies." (emp. added) Pub.L. 99-308, Sec. 1(b) (1986). See 18 U.S.C.S. Sec. 921, History; Ancillary Law And Directives (Lawyer's Cooperative Pub. Supp. 1993) p. 123. Note that Congress used the phrase "the rights of citizens", not "the rights of citizens serving in an organized militia". As discussed in note 9, supra, the Constitution recognizes that only natural persons may be citizens, and draws a clear distinction between "persons" and "States". Such a finding and declaration by Congress evidences a belief on its part that an individual right (as opposed to a collective right) to keep and bear arms is guaranteed by the Second Amendment.
Note 15 Lewis v. United States, 455 U.S. 55 (1980) (Supreme Court upheld constitutionality of federal statute making it unlawful for a convicted felon to possess a firearm).
Note 16 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1857).
Note 17 Id. at 416-17 (dictum).
Note 18 Id.
at 450 (dictum). What Justice Taney wrote on this point is
as follows:
But the
power of Congress over the person or property of a citizen can never be
a mere discretionary power under our Constitution and form of government.
The powers of the government and the rights and privileges of the
citizen are regulated and plainly defined by the Constitution itself. .
. .
For example,
no one, we will presume, will contend that Congress can make any law in
a territory respecting the establishment of a religion or free exercise
thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or the right
of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the government for
the redress of grievances.
Nor can Congress
deny to the people the right to keep and bear arms, nor the right to trial
by jury, nor compel anyone to be a witness against himself in a criminal
proceeding.
Utilizing the process that has come to be known as "selective
incorporation", the Supreme Court has subsequently held the rights
described by Taney as being individual in nature. See Gitlow v.
New York, 268 U.S. 652 (1925)(First Amendment right to freedom of speech;
appeal of criminal conviction); Near v. Minnesota, 283 U.S. 697
(1931)(First Amendment right to freedom of the press; appeal of defendant
in suit to enjoin nuisance); De Jonge v. Oregon, 299 U.S. 353 (1937)(First
Amendment right to peaceable assembly; appeal of criminal conviction);
Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296 (1940)(First Amendment guarantee
of freedom of religion; appeal of criminal conviction); Everson v. Board
of Education, 330 U.S. 1 (1947) (First Amendment prohibition against
establishment of religion; appeal from reversal of judgment setting aside
resolution providing for transportation of pupils to both public and parochial
schools); Irvin v. Dowd, 366 U.S. 17 (1961) (Sixth Amendment right
to impartial jury; appeal of dismissal of petition for habeas corpus);
Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961)(barred use of evidence seized
in violation of Fourth Amendment; appeal of criminal conviction); Malloy
v. Hogan, 378 U.S. 1 (1964)(Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination;
appeal of denial of writ of habeas corpus); Duncan v. Louisiana,
391 U.S. 145 (1968)(Sixth Amendment right to jury trial; appeal of criminal
conviction).
Note 19 92
U.S. 542 (1876).
Note 20 Id.
at 553.
Note 21 Id.
Note 22 116
U.S. 252 (1886).
Note 23 Id.
at 265.
Note 24 153
U.S. 535 (1894).
Note 25 Id.
at 538.
Note 26 307
U.S. 174 (1939).
Note 27 Id.
at 178.
Note 28 Id.
Note 29 In
Miller, the Court discussed the historical background of the term
"militia":
The Constitution
as originally adopted granted to the Congress power -- "To provide
for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress
Insurrections and repel Invasions; To provide for organizing, arming, and
disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be
employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively,
the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia
according to the discipline prescribed by Congress." With
obvious purpose to assure the continuation and render possible the effectiveness
of such forces the declaration and guarantee of the Second Amendment were
made. It must be interpreted and applied with that end in view.
The Militia
which the States were expected to maintain and train is set in contrast
with Troops which they were forbidden to keep without the consent of Congress.
The sentiment of the time strongly disfavored standing armies; the common
view was that adequate defense of country and laws could be secured through
the Militia -- civilians primarily, soldiers on occasion.
The signification
attributed to the term Militia appears from the debates in the Convention,
the history and legislation of Colonies and States, and the writings of
approved commentators. These show plainly enough that the Militia comprised
all males physically capable of acting in concert for the common
defense. "A body of citizens enrolled for military discipline."
And further, that ordinarily when called for service these men were expected
to appear bearing arms supplied by themselves and of the kind in common
use at the time. (emp. added)
307
U.S. at 178-79 (emp. added)
Miller
made it clear that the militia whose continuation and effectiveness the
Second Amendment was intended to assure consists of individuals who, by
necessity, must be free to possess arms of the kind in common use.
Prof. Sanford
Levinson of the University of Texas School of Law is of the opinion that:
"Miller can be read to support some of the most extreme anti-gun
control arguments, e.g., that the individual citizen has a right to keep
and bear bazookas, rocket launchers, and other armaments that are clearly
relevant to modern warfare, including, of course assault weapons."
Levinson, The Embarrassing Second Amendment, 99 YALE L.J. 637, 654-55
(1989).
However, by
quoting only the underlined portion of the first paragraph and ignoring
those in the third paragraph which are excerpted above, some courts have
misconstrued Miller as holding that the Second Amendment guarantees
only a collective right of States to maintain a militia. One such
example is City Of East Cleveland v. Scales, 460 N.E. 2d 1126 (1983),
which quotes the first paragraph from Miller set forth above, but
totally ignores the language in the third. Another example is United
States v. Oakes, 564 F.2d 384 (10th Cir. 1977), which involved the
appellant's possession of an unregistered machine gun. The court
quoted Miller for the proposition that the purpose of the Second
Amendment was "to preserve the effectiveness and assure the continuation
of the state militia." Id. at 387. However, Oakes
offers no explanation as to how Miller would require the possessor
of a firearm to be associated with an organized militia before being able
to assert the protection of the Second Amendment. Other courts simply
cite Miller as authority that the Second Amendment guarantees only
a collective right of States to maintain a militia, but offer no discussion
as to how Miller supports that proposition. See, e.g.
Stevens v. United States, 440 F.2d 144 (6th Cir. 1971). Stevens
cites Miller for the proposition that "[s]ince the Second Amendment
right `to keep and bear arms' applies only to the right of the State to
maintain a militia and not to the individual's right to bear arms, there
can be no serious claim to any express constitutional right of an individual
to possess a firearm." Id. at 149. Stevens,
however, quotes no language from Miller that would support this
conclusion. The same is true of United States v. Warin, 530
F.2d 103, 106, (6th Cir. 1976)(quoting Stevens); United States
v. Kozerski, 518 F.Supp. 1082, 1090 (D.N.H. 1981)(quoting Warin);
and Krisko v. Oswald, 655 F. Supp 147, 149 (E.D.Pa. 1987)(quoting
Stevens). United States v. Johnson, 497 F.2d 548, 550
(4th Cir. 1974) involved a convicted felon who was found in possession
of a firearm. It cited Miller for the proposition that "[t]he
courts have consistently held that the Second Amendment only confers a
collective right of keeping and bearing arms which must bear a `reasonable
relationship to the preservation or efficiency of a well regulated militia.'"
However, no explanation of how Miller supports this collective
rights interpretation is offered. Quilici v. Village Of Morton
Grove, 695 F.2d 261 (1982) involved a constitutional challenge to a
local ban on the possession of handguns. Quilici discusses Miller.
Id. at 270. But it offers no explanation as to how Miller
could be read to support the proposition that the Second Amendment guarantees
only a collective right.
Note 30 494
U.S. 259 (1990)(dictum).
Note 31 In
Verdugo-Urquidez, Chief Justice Rhenquist discussed the phrase "the
people" in the following terms:
"The people" seems to have been a term of art employed in
select parts of the Constitution. . . . The Second Amendment protects
"the right of the people to keep and bear Arms," and the Ninth
and Tenth Amendments provide that certain rights and powers are retained
by and reserved to "the people." See also U.S. const., Amdt.
1, ("Congress shall make no law . . . abridging . . . the right of
the people peaceably to assemble") . . . . While this textual exegesis
is by no means conclusive, it suggests that "the people" protected
by the Fourth Amendment, and by the First and Second Amendments, and to
whom rights and powers are reserved in the Ninth and Tenth Amendments,
refers to a class of persons who are part of a national community or
who have otherwise developed sufficient connection with this country to
be considered part of that community.
494
U.S. at 265 (emp. added)
Note 32 In
his dissenting opinion Justice Brennen described the phrase "the people"
as follows:
[T]he term `the people' is better understood as a rhetorical counterpoint
to "the government," such that rights that were reserved to "the
people" were to protect all those subject to "the government."
Id.
at 287 (emp. added)
Note 33 __
U.S. ___, 112 S.Ct. 2791 (1992).
Note 34 In
its discussion of the scope of "liberty" protected by the Due
Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment the Court stated:
Neither the Bill of Rights nor the specific practices of the States
at the time of the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment marks the outer
limits of the substantive sphere of liberty which the Fourteenth Amendment
protects. See U.S. Const., Amend. 9. As the second Justice Harlan recognized:
"[T]he full scope of the liberty guaranteed
by the Due Process Clause `cannot be found in or limited by the precise
terms of the specific guarantees elsewhere provided in the Constitution.
This `liberty' is not a series of isolated points pricked out in terms
of the taking of property; the freedom of speech, press, and
religion; the right to keep and bear arms; the freedom from unreasonable
searches and seizures; and so on. It is a rational continuum
which, broadly speaking, includes a freedom from all substantial arbitrary
impositions and purposeless restraints, . . . and which also recognizes,
what a reasonable and sensitive judgment must, that certain interests require
particularly careful scrutiny of the state needs asserted to justify their
abridgment." Poe v. Ullman, supra, 367 U.S. at 543, 81 S.Ct., at 1777
(Harlan, J., dissenting from dismissal on jurisdictional grounds.)
112
S.Ct. at 2805 (emp. added)
Note 35 Dent
v. West Virginia, 129 U.S. 114, 123 (1889); Wolff v. McDonnell,
418 U.S. 539, 558 (1974). The linchpin of Prof. Herz's argument is
that the right to bear arms is contingent upon one's service in a militia
(presumably under the firm control of a State government). According to
Herz, the right is ultimately the right of States to arm their own militias.
If that is the case, how could the right to keep and bear arms fall
within the scope of liberties which the Supreme Court says are protected
by the Due Process Clause? Neither Prof. Herz nor any of the authorities
cited by him have an answer.
Note 36 See
Gitlow v. New York, 268 U.S. 652 (1925)(First Amendment guarantee
of freedom of speech applicable to States); Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S.
643 (1961)(barred use of evidence seized by State agents in violation of
Fourth Amendment).
Note 37 See
note 3, supra.